Postmodernism

Are Canada’s Liberals realizing the dangers of a ‘woke’ Trudeau?

It’s hard to turn the fear of offending special interest groups into an effective strategy for running a nation.

With MP Pierre Poilievre elected to lead the Conservative Party of Canada, there’s a new sheriff on Parliament Hill — and it looks like some Liberal Party members are now seeing Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s ‘woke’ policies as a threat to his re-election in 2025.

If the flawed logic and underlying injustice of “wokeism” as federal policy were not enough for Liberals to recognize the political risks inherent in governing through identity politics over the last seven years of the Trudeau government – even after losing the last two elections by popular vote – the reality of facing the populist Poilievre with his breath of fresh air platform to undo the economic devastation of “Justinomics” and restore the rights of Canadians, seems to have Liberal members who are now against the Prime Minister. An unnamed Liberal MP was quoted by the CBC as saying: “We need to get back to a (centre) right party. We need a down-to-earth, less woke government.

Words to govern.

For Canadians baffled by the revival and our rapid adoption under Trudeau, its origins in Marxism are the key to understanding.

“Identity politics” grew out of postmodernism, a derivative of Marxism, widely recognized as a dismal failure in the late 1960s. According to Jordan Peterson, professor emeritus of psychology at the University of Toronto, the philosophy spread from ancient French Marxists at Yale University in the 1970s. The flawed equity-based politics of Marxism were transformed into more salable identity-based politics, under the guise of postmodernism. Thus, “Wokeism” was born.

During a trip to Moscow in 1952, Trudeau’s father, Pierre, who would later become Prime Minister of Canada, remarked that he was a Communist and that he was in Moscow to criticize the United States and praise the Soviet Union, said a biographer. Communism was described as the main ideological cause of death in the world between 1900 and 2000, wrote John Walters in Reach magazine in 2013, with 94 million deaths attributed to China, the Soviet Union, South Korea North, Afghanistan and Eastern Europe.

The Trudeau lychee doesn’t fall far from the tree.

Seen through the prism of communism, Canadians can be forgiven for having an uncomfortable sense of deja vu.

During a Liberal fundraiser in 2013, Justin Trudeau professed esteem for the dictatorship in China: “There is a certain level of admiration that I have for China. Their basic dictatorship actually allows them to turn their economy around in no time. »

Identity now replaces equity as a political system.

The reality, however, is that excuses don’t buy groceries, and while pandering to certain demographics may have won Liberal votes in the past, it hasn’t resulted in good public policy. Even Canadians who are fortunate enough to be part of a demographic favored by Trudeau must eventually recognize that they too must be able to afford food, housing, a small electric vehicle, clothing and a future for their children.

These core concerns, usually (and logically) a major issue for voters in Canadian elections, have traditionally formed the basis of Conservative campaign platforms. Every time the Liberals overspend and destroy the economy, a Conservative government follows to repair the damage.

That’s the Poilievre promise for 2025.

Liberals remember Trudeau’s father resigning in 1984 with a dismal 25% approval rating, after decimating the economy and sowing division across Canada.

The current prime minister’s approval rating is now not far off his father’s, at 31%.

Recent comments from Liberal MPs suggest the message was received at Liberal Party headquarters.

Ken Grafton is a writer who lives by the river in Aylmer, Quebec, just downwind from Parliament Hill. Grafton has global executive-level experience in the engineering and telecommunications fields.

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